A declarative characterization of different types of multicomponent tree adjoining grammars

Multicomponent Tree Adjoining Grammars (MCTAGs) are a formalism that has been shown to be useful for many natural language applications. The definition of non-local MCTAG however is problematic since it refers to the process of the derivation itself: a simultaneity constraint must be respected concerning the way the members of the elementary tree sets are added. Looking only at the result of a derivation (i.e., the derived tree and the derivation tree), this simultaneity is no longer visible and therefore cannot be checked. I.e., this way of characterizing MCTAG does not allow to abstract away from the concrete order of derivation. In this paper, we propose an alternative definition of MCTAG that characterizes the trees in the tree language of an MCTAG via the properties of the derivation trees (in the underlying TAG) the MCTAG licences. We provide similar characterizations for various types of MCTAG. These characterizations give a better understanding of the formalisms, they allow a more systematic comparison of different types of MCTAG, and, furthermore, they can be exploited for parsing

A declarative characterization of different types of multicomponent tree adjoining grammars

Multicomponent Tree Adjoining Grammars (MCTAG) is a formalism that has been shown to be useful for many natural language applications. The definition of MCTAG however is problematic since it refers to the process of the derivation itself: a simultaneity constraint must be respected concerning the way the members of the elementary tree sets are added. This way of characterizing MCTAG does not allow to abstract away from the concrete order of derivation. In this paper, we propose an alternative definition of MCTAG that characterizes the trees in the tree language of an MCTAG via the properties of the derivation trees (in the underlying TAG) the MCTAG licences. This definition gives a better understanding of the formalism, it allows a more systematic comparison of different types of MCTAG, and, furthermore, it can be exploited for parsing

Scrambling in german and the non-locality of local TDGs

Existing analyses of German scrambling phenomena within TAG-related formalisms all use non-local variants of TAG. However, there are good reasons to prefer local grammars, in particular with respect to the use of the derivation structure for semantics. Therefore this paper proposes to use local TDGs, a TAG-variant generating tree descriptions that shows a local derivation structure. However the construction of minimal trees for the derived tree descriptions is not subject to any locality constraint. This provides just the amount of non-locality needed for an adequate analysis of scrambling. To illustrate this a local TDG for some German scrambling data is presented

A descriptive characterization of multicomponent tree adjoining grammars

Multicomponent Tree Adjoining Grammars (MCTAG) is a formalism that has been shown to be useful for many natural language applications. The definition of MCTAG however is problematic since it refers to the process of the derivation itself: a simultaneity constraint must be respected concerning the way the members of the elementary tree sets are added. Looking only at the result of a derivation (i.e., the derived tree and the derivation tree), this simultaneity is no longer visible and therefore cannot be checked. I.e., this way of characterizing MCTAG does not allow to abstract away from the concrete order of derivation. Therefore, in this paper, we propose an alternative definition of MCTAG that characterizes the trees in the tree language of an MCTAG via the properties of the derivation trees the MCTAG licences.Il a été montré que les Grammaires dArbres Adjoints Ensemblistes (Multicomponent Tree Adjoining Grammars, MCTAG) sont très utiles pour des applications TAL. Pourtant, la définition des MCTAG est problématique parce quelle fait référence au procès de dérivation même : une contrainte de simultanéité est imposée concernant la façon dont on ajoute les membres dun même ensemble darbres. En regardant uniquement le résultat d’une dérivation, cest-à-dire larbre dérivé et larbre de dérivation, cette simultanéité nest plus visible. Par conséquent pour vérifier la contrainte de simultanéité, il faut toujours considérer lordre concret des pas de la dérivation. Afin déviter cela, nous proposons une caractérisation alternative de MCTAG qui permet une abstraction de lordre de dérivation : Les arbres générés par la grammaire sont caractérisés par les propriétés de leurs arbres de dérivation

Comparing lexicalized grammar formalisms in an empirically adequate way : the notion of generative attachment capacity

The work presented here addresses the question of how to determine whether a grammar formalism is powerful enough to describe natural languages. The expressive power of a formalism can be characterized in terms of i) the string languages it generates (weak generative capacity (WGC)) or ii) the tree languages it generates (strong generative capacity (SGC)). The notion of WGC is not enough to determine whether a formalism is adequate for natural languages. We argue that even SGC is problematic since the sets of trees a grammar formalism for natural languages should be able to generate is difficult to determine. The concrete syntactic structures assumed for natural languages depend very much on theoretical stipulations and empirical evidence for syntactic structures is rather hard to obtain. Therefore, for lexicalized formalisms, we propose to consider the ability to generate certain strings together with specific predicate argument dependencies as a criterion for adequacy for natural languages

Scope and situation binding in LTAG using semantic unification

This paper develops a framework for TAG (Tree Adjoining Grammar) semantics that brings together ideas from different recent approaches.Then, within this framework, an analysis of scope is proposed that accounts for the different scopal properties of quantifiers, adverbs, raising verbs and attitude verbs. Finally, including situation variables in the semantics, different situation binding possibilities are derived for different types of quantificational elements

LTAG analysis for pied-piping and stranding of wh-phrases

In this paper we propose a syntactic and semantic analysis of complex questions. We consider questions involving pied piping and stranding and we propose elementary trees and semantic representations that allow to account for both constructions in a uniform way

Licensing german negative polarity items in LTAG

Our paper aims at capturing the distribution of negative polarity items (NPIs) within lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammar (LTAG). The condition under which an NPI can occur in a sentence is for it to be in the scope of a negation with no quantifiers scopally intervening. We model this restriction within a recent framework for LTAG semantics based on semantic unification. The proposed analysis provides features that signal the presence of a negation in the semantics and that specify its scope. We extend our analysis to modelling the interaction of NPI licensing and neg raising constructions

Tree-local MCTAG with shared nodes : an analysis of word order variation in German and Korean

Tree Adjoining Grammars (TAG) are known not to be powerful enough to deal with scrambling in free word order languages. The TAG-variants proposed so far in order to account for scrambling are not entirely satisfying. Therefore, an alternative extension of TAG is introduced based on the notion of node sharing. Considering data from German and Korean, it is shown that this TAG-extension can adequately analyse scrambling data, also in combination with extraposition and topicalization.Les Grammaires dArbres Adjoints (TAG) sont connues pour ne pas etre assez puissantes pour traiter le brouillage darguments dans des langues à ordre desmots libre. Les variantes TAG proposées jusqu´à maintenant pour expliquer le brouillage ne sont pas entièrement satisfaisantes. Nous présentons ici une extension alternative de TAG, basée sur la notion du partage de noeuds. En considerant des données de lallemand et du coréen, on montre que cette extension de TAG peut en juste proportion analyser des données de brouillage d’arguments, également en combinaison avec lextraposition et la topicalisation

Factorizing complementation in a TT-MCTAG for German

TT-MCTAG lets one abstract away from the relative order of co-complements in the final derived tree, which is more appropriate than classic TAG when dealing with flexible word order in German. In this paper, we present the analyses for sentential complements, i.e., wh-extraction, thatcomplementation and bridging, and we work out the crucial differences between these and respective accounts in XTAG (for English) and V-TAG (for German)